في منتصف خمسينات القرن الماضي ازدهرت المقاهي الشعبية وتطورت فاعلية الجلوس فيها إلى نمطيات إنسانية في مجالات متعددة منها الفنون الموسيقية والغناء، حيث اتخذ مطربو المقامات ومادونهم من المقاهي ملاذاً لفعالياتهم الفنية، فيما اتخذ الأدباء والصحفيون المقهى ملاذاً لنقاشاتهم وقراءاتهم، فصار لكل مجموعة أصوات أدبية أو فنية مقهى خاص تتردد عليه فئة محددة دون غيرها باستثناء الاستضافات التي قد تحصل بين الفينة والأخرى كأن يصطحب هذا الفنان أو ذاك الأديب زميلاً له أو قارئاً معجباً برواية أو قصة أو مقال أو هاو لقراءة المقام أو مستمع إليه. كان التقليد يقضي بقيام الفئة الفنية أو الأدبية الاحتفاء بالضيف الزائر من خلال تكريس الحديث في تلك الجلسة معه دون غيره تصاحبها الطلبات الكثيرة لأنواع المشروبات التي يختص بتقديمها المقهى مثل الينسون والشاي والكاكاو والقهوة أو بعض المرطبات.

مقاهي الانترنت ما دمنا بصدد الحديث عن مفهوم المقاهي كحالة اجتماعية متعارف عليها منذ نشوء المدن الحضرية، فلابد من التوقف عند حالة ظهرت حديثاً، وانتشرت في المدن الكبيرة انتشاراً هائلاً فاق ما موجود أو ماحققته المقاهي الشعبية من حيث العدد أو النكهة أو الموقع بكثير من الأشواط. تلك هي مقاهي الانترنت التي تفردت بحالة واحدة عن المقهى الشعبي بكونها تستقبل زبائن من أنواع خاصة، زبائن صامتين، بعيدين عن الثرثرة والقيل والقال، بعيدين عن لعب الطاولة، إذ إن رواد مقاهي الانترنت هم رواد صامتون، منعزلون داخل مكعبات صغيرة لا يزيد حجم الواحدة منها بأكثر من متر مربع واحد. يتعاملون مع شاشة الكمبيوتر وفق حالة مزاجية خاصة أو وفق تأملات طويلة يقضونها بالتحديق فيما تظهره لهم تلك الشاشات العجيبة الغريبة. وهنا نتساءل هل إن هذا النوع من المقاهي الحديثة التي لا يتوفر في الكثير منها مشروبات مثل الشاي أو القهوة ولا تعتمد على مردودات الألعاب الشعبية أو الزيارات المفاجئة لضيوف يحلون على روادها القدامى، هل بإمكانها الصمود أمام تاريخ وتقاليد المقاهي الشعبية التي أسست لها قاعدة عريضة من الزبائن الدائمين عبر أزمنة طويلة قد تزيد على عمر جيلنا الحالي إلى أجيال الآباء أو الأجداد؟

الجواب على ذلك هو نعم، والنعم هذه تأتي لصالح مقاهي الانترنت التي غزت أسواق وشوارع المدن الكبيرة والمباني، بما في ذلك بصفة خاصة مدينة القاهرة.

مقاهي الانترنت في مدينة القاهرة حريصة على مثل هذه التقاليد الشعبية كما حصل مع المقاهي التقليدية خلال السنوات الأخيرة من القرن الماضي والسنوات السابقة في هذا القرن.
ومن خلال جولة معمقه الأهداف والرؤى بين مقاعد مقاهي الانترنت في القاهرة أو في أي مدينة في مصر و بالنظر إليها من خلال جولاتي في مقاهي الإنترنت داخل القاهرة أو بإحدى المحافظات سواء الساحلية أو بصعيد مصر نجد التقاليد موجودة من حيث الوضع في الازدهار والنمو وأنواع الزبائن والفئات العمريةوعلى المستويات الثقافية والفكرية كافة.
الزبائن هم غير زبائن المقاهي التقليدية، قبل أي اعتبار، فإن المقاهي التقليدية في المائة عام الماضية لم تكن لاستقبال السيدات أو الفتيات للجلوس بها أو ممارسة حياتهن كما يفعل الرجال، و قد اختلفت الصورة بالقاهرة و الإسكندرية وبدأت تتلقى الفتيات مع بدء افتتاحمقاهي الانترنت.

ويقول أحد مالكي مقهى الإنترنت: وجود الفتيات في المقاهي لا يقتصر على التصفح أو الكشف عن المواقع، كما يفعل الرجال، بل إن تواجد الفتاة أو السيدة داخل المقهى يأتي من خلال رؤيتي الدقيقة والمتابعة بغرض محدد منها البريد الالكتروني أو التراسل عبر (الدردشة) والحديث من خلال الكاميرا وفي حالات أخرى التحدث عبر الكاميرا مع قريب لها يسكن في دولة عربية أو أوربية، فالكثير من الفتيات أو السيدات يلجأن إلى إدارة المقهى لمساعدتهن بتحقيق اتصال مرئي أو مكتوب مع الأقارب في قارات العالم.
وأهم خدمات الانترنت التي يبحث عنها روّاد المقاهي هي بلا شك، خدمة إقامة اتصالات مباشرة بالصوت والصورة مع أقارب وأصدقاء في الخارج. من المألوف والعادي في هذا المجال رؤية عائلة بكل أفرادها، تأتي إلى مقهى الانترنت من أجل إقامة هذا الاتصال مع أحد أبنائها، خصوصاً من العاملين في دول الخليج. هؤلاء يحرصون – غالباً – على إحضار أطفال، خصوصاً من حديثي الولادة لوضعهم أمام الكاميرا كي يراهم والدهم المقيم في الخارج.

لكنّ معظم روّاد هذه المقاهي شباب تحت سن الثلاثين، يجلسون أمام أجهزة الكومبيوتر لساعات طويلة، بينما كانوا في ما مضى يمارسون هوايات أخرى مختلفة تماماً.

وفي حمّى التنافس بين المقاهي المتعدّدة، عمد أحدهم إلى الإعلان عن خفض سعر ساعة الانترنت إلى النصف تماماً بعد الساعة العاشرة ليلاً وحتى الصباح. هذا الإعلان سرعان ما تجاوب معه أصحاب المقاهي الأخرى، فصار تقليداً يتبعه الجميع. هنا نشأت مشكلة جديدة: تخفيض السعر إلى النصف دفع بالغالبية العظمى من الشباب والمراهقين إلى تأجيل زياراتهم للمقاهي إلى ساعات الليل. ما جعل أعداداً متزايدة من الأهل يتذمرون من عادة جديدة غزت بيوتهم وهي عودة أبنائهم المراهقين إلى البيت في ساعة متأخرة من الليل، بل مع ساعات الفجر أحياناً.

أما الفتيات، فيحضرن في النهار فقط. وعمدت بعض المقاهي إلى خلط الفتيات مع الشباب من دون تمييز في حين حرصت مقاه أخرى على اعتماد تنظيم الطابقين، الأرضي للشباب، والثاني للفتيات.




ففي مدينة لا يصل عدد سكانها إلى مئة ألف، يصبح لافتاً أن يتواجد فيها ما يربو على عشرين مقهى، تصل أعداد أجهزة الكومبيوتر في أصغرها إلى عشرة على الأقل، فيما يتجاوز العدد الثلاثين في مقاه أخرى.

يبقى أن الجميع اتفقوا على أن المقهى هو المقهى. لاشك أن مقهى أيام زمان له طقوسه حيث اشتهرت مدينة القاهرة كغيرها من المدن المصرية بكثرة مقاهيها الشعبية ولكن بعد انتشار مقاهي وصالات الانترنت في السنوات القليلة الماضية والتي بدأت تستقطب شرائح واسعة ومتنوعة من الأهالي، بدأت الشيخوخة تزحف إلى المقاهي التقليدية ولكن هناك مقاه لازالت تحافظ على أصالتها بل وتنامت الحركة فيها خصوصاً في المناطق السياحية كمنطقة الحسين. والسنوات الأخيرة يصح أن يطلق عليها في مصر اسم «سنوات الإنترنت بامتياز» خصوصاً مقاهي الإنترنت. ولم تعد هذه الظاهرة تقتصر على القاهرة والمدن الكبرى، بل انتشرت في شتّى أنحاء البلاد وصولاً إلى أصغر القرى، لتصبح المتنفّس الشبابي الفعلي والرئيسي.

ليس هناك من خطر يهدد الديمقراطية في أي مجتمع سوي محاولة استخدام الديمقراطية في غير موضعها وعدم الالتزام بالمفهوم الصحيح للحرية. الديمقراطية داخل المؤسسات الشرعية هي الوسيلة الفعالة لصنع حوار بين الرأي والآخر كخطوة ضرورية تسبق صناعة القرار‏.‏.

ومعني ذلك أنه لا يمكن لأي مجتمع أن يطمئن إلي سلامة الممارسة الديمقراطية إلا إذا نشأ توافق وطني عام تلتزم به كل القوي والنخب السياسية‏,‏ وجوهر هذا التوافق اعتماد القنوات الشرعية للحوار التي لا يجوز تخطيها أو ممارسة العمل السياسي بعيدا عنها‏.وذالك‏ خصوصا في ظل هجمة شرسة تريد نشر الفوضى وتستهدف أن تنتقل ممارسةالديمقراطية من قبة البرلمان ومنتديات الأحزاب إلي مظاهرات الشوارع والحواري والأزقة‏.‏

إن السبيل الوحيد لحماية الديمقراطية من أي أخطار تهددها هو البدء بتهيئة المناخ الصحي لتفاعل الرأي والرأي الآخر تحت مظلة الإدراك بأن المحظور الوحيد في الممارسة الديمقراطية هو سوء استخدام الحرية.‏

إن الديمقراطية ليست اضرابات واعتصامات ولا هي مجرد لافتات وشعارات فقط وإنما هيفي الأساس منهج للتفكير والسلوك المتحضر وعنوان للالتزام بالضوابط التي تتفق مع مبادئ الشرعية الدستورية واحترام القانون العام‏!‏

والذين سمحوا لأوطانهم أن يصبح الشارع مسرحا للجدل والفوضى السياسية بدلا من ساحة البرلمان هم الذين تصل إلي أسماعنا صرخاتهم بعد أن حل الخوف محل الأمان والقهر محل الاقتناع بعد اتساع مساحة الشقاق والصراع علي حساب الحوار السليم بين الرأي والرأي الآخر‏!‏إن الديمقراطية ليست غاية في حد ذاتها ولكنها أفضل وسيلة عرفها الإنسان لبناء الحوار الموضوعي داخل المجتمعات المتحضرة بهدف تقريب المسافات وليس تضخيم المتناقضات والبحث عن الايجابيات وليس انتقاء السلبيات.

As the Arab Spring grinds on into autumn, the Russians are asking once again whether they should follow the policy "If you can't beat them, join th'em",

Muammar Gaddafi's demise is all but a done thing, carried out with a UN blessing, however dubious, and only belatedly opposed by Russia and China. Russian policy-makers are now wondering if their quasi-principled condemnation of Western-backed regime change in Libya was not just Quixotic but downright stupid.

The new Tripoli government has denied that National Transitional Council Information Minister Mahmoud Shammam signed a secret agreement with France in March through the Qatari government whereby French companies would control more than a third of Libya's oil production in return for Paris's early and staunch support for the rebels. However, even as Russia recognised the NTC last week, Abdel-Jalil Mayouf, information manager of the rebels' Arabian Gulf Oil Company, warned, "We don't have a problem with Western countries like the Italians, French and UK companies. But we may have some political issues with Russia, China and Brazil."

Gaddafi's impending fate is now fuelling Western efforts to topple Bashar Al-Assad in Syria, with France openly arming and organising the rebels, and a European boycott of Syrian oil in place as of Friday. The latter is potentially more devastating than hosting dissident conferences in Paris, as almost all of Syria's oil -- a third of its total export revenues -- goes to Europe.

The burning question now is "Should Russia should accede to Western plans for the Middle East?" To "learn from its mistake" in Libya and dump Al-Assad immediately, whatever the internal dynamics of Syria may be? The whole relationship of Russia to the Arab Spring is now heatedly discussed, with many critical of Western machinations but just as many worried that Russia will only lose out if it stays aloof.

The two camps represent the two poles in post-Soviet Russian thinking: the Eurasianists vs the Atlantists. The former trying to put Russia at the centre of an independent anti-Western coalition. The latter are happy to throw in the towel, to accede to the Western hegemony which characterises the postmodern imperial order unfolding since the collapse of the Soviet Union.

There are powerful forces in Russia behind both views. Atlantist enthusiast Russian President Dmitri Medvedev was responsible for the success of UN Resolution 1973 allowing the NATO bombing of Libya. In March, he overrode broad Russian opposition including by Prime Minister Vladimir Putin, who denounced the Western invasion as a new Crusade. Medvedev had to fire Russian ambassador to Libya Vladimir Chamov when the latter sided with Putin. Medvedev now warns Al-Assad of a "dire fate" if he continues his campaign against the opposition.

Those who want to accede to the Western agenda complain that in Libya Tatneft and Gazprom Neft will have to abandon their projects. "We won't have anything; Libya's oil market will shift in favor of Italian ENI. After them, the American and European companies," whines Uralsib Capital analyst Alexei Kokin. The Russian Railways contract to build a 550km high-speed rail line from Sirte to Benghazi also appears to be under review by the new government in Tripoli.

Libya is far away, and was never much of a Soviet-Russian ally. In Syria, Russian economic and security stakes are much higher. Not only is Syria one of Russia's largest arms export customers, with current and pending deals valued at $10 billion, but Al-Assad's regime is also a significant Russian security partner in the Middle East. The Russian navy is dependent on Syrian ports to sustain its operations in the Mediterranean Sea and the Persian Gulf.

Russia's NATO Ambassador Dmitri Rogozin scoffed at the idea that the West had any altruistic motives in invading Libya. He told the EUobserver on 2 September that the Libya experience shows NATO will now "expand towards its southern borders", and though he was happy NATO had stopped expanding eastward, "we cannot trust [that] NATO will not exceed the mandate and NATO bombs will not be dropped on Damascus."

Concerning the proposed UN resolution against Syria, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov said, "This is a call for a repeat of the Libyan scenario. The BRICS nations will not allow this to happen." There is no question for the Russians that honest elections are now unavoidable in Syria in future, but "we strongly believe it is unacceptable to instigate the Syrian opposition to continue boycotting suggestions to start a dialogue." Russia is unwilling to contemplate another Western-incited civil war and invasion leading to regime change. For the moment, the Eurasianists have the upper hand.

Underlying the Atlantist-Eurasianist debate is the fate of the entire Western project to transform the Middle East, which has been in the works since the 1980s with the rise of the neocons. This plan was to bring about a controlled chaos in the region, creating a series of weak statelets that would benefit a strong Israel. Oded Yinon's "A Strategy for Israel in the 1980s" proposed the policy of divide-and-conquer. Hizbullah leader Hassan Nasrallah described the Israeli policy in 2007 as intended to create "a region that has been partitioned into ethnic and confessional states that are in agreement with each other. This is the new Middle East."

But given the horrors of this policy in action since 2000, the burning question for Russian politicians is not just "Should we accede to Western plans for the Middle East?" but rather "Are Western plans in the Middle East going to succeed, and is Russia helpless to influence them?"

Iraq and Afghanistan loom large. Russian Profile analyst Alexandre Strokanov fears that "the real war and even more horrifying suffering still lay ahead for the Libyan people" and warns that weapons from Gaddafi's arsenal could well end up in terrorist hands. Neither the US nor the EU are in any position to get involved in another "nation-building project". In any case, the new Libyan government will have to show its fiercely proud people that it is independent from all foreign powers.

While Italy and Britain were cruel colonial taskmasters in Libya before independence, Russia has no such imperial baggage. Russian officials met with both sides throughout the stand-off to try to negotiate a ceasefire, and have nothing to be ashamed of. If it's any comfort to Kokin, even enthusiastic support by Russia of the bald imperial venture to unseat Gaddafi would hardly have done Tatneft or Russian Railways much good.

It is clear now the whole Arab Spring is not as spontaneous as appeared at first glance. While the regimes across the region were indeed corrupt and dictatorial, they were all supported by the West. But so was the opposition.

The moment came when they were perceived as passed their due date, and with the neocons in office by 2000 and PNAC's "new Pearl Harbour" on the horizon, it was possible to proceed with Yinon's plan to create dynamic chaos in the Middle East. The Arab Spring is, in an eerie way, a natural conclusion to the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. A sort of "If you can't beat 'em, join 'em", American style.

It has taken various forms so far, with a breezy boot to Zein Al-Abidine bin Ali in Tunisia, a pair of handcuffs to Hosni Mubarak in Egypt, a burnt face to Ali Abdullah Saleh in Yemen, impending assassination to Gaddafi, and who-knows-what to Al-Assad. The only ones to escape unharmed are the Gulf sheikhs and the kings of Morocco and Jordan, who are so compliant that they need only a tap on the shoulder to do Washington's bidding. Oh yes, Algeria's President Abdel-Aziz Bouteflika is still hanging on, but not even the neocons dare to overthrow him and reopen civil war wounds from the 1990s.

That is not to denigrate the revolutionaries across the region, nor to dismiss their heroic struggles to achieve independence in the face of the Western intriguers. Among the prominent new leaders are Muslim Brotherhood leaders such as Tunisia's Rachid Ghannouchi and Egypt's Essam El-Erian. Their popular Renaissance and Freedom and Justice parties are projected to win the plurality of seats in upcoming elections, and they have no use for the imperialists. Then there is rebel military leader in Tunisia Abdullah Hakim Belhaj who plans to take the US to court for torturing him and then rendering him to Libya. There are few secular heroes in the region that can vie with the long-suffering Islamists.

The neocon wars of the 2000s were the steel fist approach to subduing Islam: kill millions and terrorise the survivors. But they have been a disaster and made the US a pariah. Israel's endless wars against Lebanon and the Palestinians have also made it a pariah around the world. This option is no longer feasible.

Russia inherits fond memories across the region as the anti-Zionist Soviet Union's successor. It now has the chance to gain long term credibility as a principled partner not only in the Middle East but to nonaligned countries everywhere, and should stare down the imperialists.

أثارت التطورات السريعة التى شهدتها شبكة الإنترنت خلال السنوات الأخيرة، سواء فيما يتعلق بتطور المستوى التقنى أو التوسع الضخم فى عدد المواقع الإلكترونية وتوزعها على مختلف المجالات الاقتصادية والاجتماعية والسياسية والثقافية والدينية، وظهور المواقع المتخصصة والمنتديات الحوارية، فضلا عن اتساع قاعدة مستخدمى الإنترنت فى الدول العربية أثارت عددا مهما من الإشكاليات النظرية حول مدى مساهمة شبكة الإنترنت فى دفع عملية الإصلاح والتحول الديمقراطى فى الدول العربية

وقد ساد حتى وقت قريب اتجاه رأى أن اتساع نطاق ظاهرة الإنترنت فى الدول العربية لن يكون له تأثير سياسى ملحوظ، سواء فيما يتعلق بتشجيع عملية التحول الديمقراطي، أو فيما يتعلق باحتمالات تصاعد العمل السياسى العنيف ضد النظم السياسية الحاكمة. استند هذا الافتراض إلى عدد من المبررات. كان أولها افتقاد شبكة الإنترنت ذاتها الديمقراطية وما تعكسه من تكريس لما يمكن تسميته ظاهرة «الانقسام الرقمي» بين فئات المجتمع، بمعنى الانقسام بين أقلية تمتلك القدرة على النفاذ إلى الإنترنت، وأغلبية أخرى ما زالت تفتقد هذه القدرة، بما يزيد من احتمالات تعميق الأزمات الاجتماعية داخل المجتمع، خاصة أن النفاذ إلى الشبكة لا يعتمد فقط على الشروط المادية (أجهزة الكمبيوتر، والتليفون أو خط الإنترنت المباشر) ولكنه يعتمد أيضا على الظروف الاجتماعية، خاصة فى ضوء ما انتهت إليه بعض الدراسات من أن نسبة مهمة ممن تتوافر لديهم القدرة على النفاذ إلى الإنترنت لا يستخدمونها لأسباب اجتماعية وسيكولوجية تتعلق بمدى قدرتهم على التفاعل معها.  

ومن ناحية أخري، كانت هناك شكوك قوية حول مساحة الحرية الحقيقية المتاحة على الإنترنت، فرغم صعوبة السيطرة الحكومية على المواقع الإلكترونية بالمقارنة بالكثير من الوسائل الإعلامية الأخري، فإن هذا لم ينف تزايد قدرة واتجاه الحكومات إلى فرض مزيد من الضبط والسيطرة على المواقع الإليكترونية، سواء من خلال وضع القوانين والتشريعات المنظمة لعمل هذه المواقع، أو من خلال التوسع فى استخدام آليات الفلترة والحجب والتدمير للمواقع الإلكترونية ذات المحتوى الذى لا يتوافق مع مصالح النخبة الحاكمة. وقد ازدادت قدرة الحكومات على
«السيطرة الإليكترونية» فى ضوء التطور المتسارع فى تكنولوجيات الضبط والسيطرة والفلترة والمراقبة، وتطور جدل مهم حول الحاجة إلى تنظيم وضبط الشبكة من خلال تطوير تشريعات قانونية محددة، جنبا إلى جنب مع الاستفادة من تكنولوجيات المراقبة. ورغم وجود اتجاه يدعو إلى رفض فكرة المراقبة والتنظيم تلك، فإن الاتجاه المؤيد لها لقى رواجا ملحوظا عقب أحداث سبتمبر 2001 وامتداد الحرب ضد الإرهاب إلى ساحة شبكة الإنترنت ذاتها وتطور مفاهيم مثل «الجهاد الإليكتروني» والإرهاب الإليكتروني. الخ. ورغم أن معظم الحكومات العربية لم تنتقل بعد إلى وضع تشريعات مقيدة أو ضابطة لعمل المواقع الإليكترونية، فإنها راكمت خبرة مهمة فى مجال المراقبة السياسية للمواقع الإليكترونية.
ولا يقتصر الاتجاه إلى الاستخدام المكثف لتكنولوجيات المراقبة والفلترة
(الترشيح) على الحكومات فقط، فقد ذهب هذا الاتجاه إلى أن عملية الفلترة تلك ستحدث أيضا على مستوى الأفراد أنفسهم فى ضوء كثافة المعلومات ذات المحتوى السياسى والتوجهات المتناقضة، الأمر الذى يضطر الفرد ذاته إلى استخدام التكنولوجيات والبرامج المتاحة لفرز تلك المعلومات واستبعاد المعلومات والآراء التى لا تتوافق وميوله وتوجهاته السياسية والثقافية، واستقبال المعلومات التى تتوافق فقط وتلك التوجهات وتدعمها. ويترتب على عملية الضبط والفرز الذاتى تلك ظاهرتان مهمتان تتصلان بالتحول الديمقراطى والعمل السياسى «الإنترنتي»، الأولى هى تزايد فرص عزلة مستخدم الإنترنت عن التيارات والاتجاهات السياسية الأخرى وعدم التعرض للأفكار الجديدة. والثانية هى دعم فرص حدوث حالات الاستقطاب السياسى بين الجماعات السياسية داخل المجتمع وتراجع فرص تطور حالة من التوافق العام حول مختلف القيم الأساسية بما فى ذلك قيمة الديمقراطية ذاتها.
أيضا أثارت الكثير من الدراسات الشكوك حول افتراض دعم الإنترنت لفرص مشاركة المواطن فى عملية صناعة القرار السياسى ونشر فرص التأثير داخل المجتمع، استنادا إلى أن النظم الديمقراطية ذاتها لا تضمن للمواطن الفرد القدرة على التأثير فى الأحداث السياسية وعملية صنع القرار من خلال الوسائل الإعلامية التقليدية. ومن ثم، لم يكن من المتوقع - وفق هذا الاتجاه - أن يترتب على اتساع نطاق الإنترنت تغيير جوهرى فى هذا الواقع، بل على العكس فإن هذا الانتشار وما يترتب عليه من تقليل الحواجز أمام عملية نشر المعلومات والآراء الفردية سيؤدى إلى المزيد من إضعاف قدرة الرأى الفردى على التأثير فى عملية صناعة القرار بسبب حالة التزاحم الشديدة بين الآراء الفردية. ومن ثم فقد تدعم الإنترنت حالة «التفكيك» داخل المجتمع بدلا من بناء «التوافق العام».
ورغم جاذبية الحجج والفرضيات التى طرحها أصحاب الاتجاه السابق، فقد جاءت موجة الثورات العربية التى اعتمدت على الإنترنت بشكل عام، وعلى المواقع التفاعلية (الفيس بوك وغيرها) بشكل خاص، لتضع دقة ومصداقية هذه الفرضيات أمام تحد كبير. وبشكل عام، فقد تجاهل هذا الاتجاه النظر إلى الإنترنت باعتبارها «عملية» process جديدة ذات سمات خاصة لابد أن تترك آثارها على مختلف الظواهر الاقتصادية والاجتماعية والسياسية داخل المجتمع، وأن هذه العملية توفر بدورها مجموعة من الأدوات التى يمكن استخدامها بطريقة تعظم القدرات السياسية للفاعلين فى مواجهة النظام السياسى فى سياق عملية الصراع السياسى بين الطرفين.
ويمكن فى هذا الإطار طرح عدد من التفسيرات التى حولت الإنترنت ليس فقط إلى ساحة للعمل السياسى ولكن أيضا إلى أداة فاعلة فى إدارة هذا الصراع. يتعلق أولها بالميزات النسبية التى توفرها شبكة الإنترنت فيما يتعلق بتخفيض تكلفة المعاملات والاتصالات وتكلفة الحصول على المعلومات وتبادلها، وفرص إجراء تلك الاتصالات على نطاق واسع، سواء من جانب الجمهور أو من جانب الفاعلين السياسيين فى ظل تواضع تكلفة إنشاء وتسجيل المواقع الإليكترونية والبحث الإليكترونى عن المعلومات، وتواضع تكلفة إرسال رسائل البريد الإليكترونى وغيرها من المعاملات الإليكترونية. أضف إلى ذلك ما وفرته الإنترنت من فرص مهمة لممارسة حريات التعبير والعمل السياسى للقوى السياسية المحجوبة عن الشرعية أو القوى السياسية التى قد تطرح رؤى سياسية وإصلاحية تتجاوز السقف المتاح من جانب النظام السياسي. وقد استطاعت الكثير من القوى السياسية فى الدول العربية بالفعل استخدام الإنترنت كساحة بديلة للعمل السياسى من خلال تشكيل المنتديات والجماعات السياسية الافتراضية، والتغلب على القيود السياسية والقانونية المفروضة على حريات التنظيم السياسي، وتجاوز القيود المادية التى واجهت عمليات الاتصال والتنسيق.
ويشار فى هذا الإطار أيضا إلى ثلاث سمات أساسية للإنترنت، هي: الطبيعة التفاعلية، وغياب السلطة المركزية المنظمة للإنترنت ومن ثم صعوبة السيطرة والرقابة على محتوى المواقع الإليكترونية بالمقارنة بوسائل الاتصال التقليدية، وأخيرا اتساع نطاق القاعدة الاجتماعية المستخدمة للإنترنت وعدم التزامها بالحدود الجغرافية والسياسية. وقد أدت هذه السمات إلى تحول مستخدم الإنترنت من مجرد متلق أو مستهلك مجهول للرسالة الإعلامية إلى مشارك فاعل فى تشكيل تلك الرسالة، وتحول طبيعة الاتصال من مجرد اتصال نخبوي- نخبوى أو اتصال نخبوي- جماهيرى أو حوار أقلية ـ أغلبية إلى اتصال جماهيري- جماهيري، وتحول الحوار الإليكترونى إلى حوار ندى لا يعكس تفاوت القدرات السياسية والاقتصادية بين المتحاورين بقدر ما يعكس مدى توافق/ تناقض الرؤى والآراء المطروحة بشأن القضية موضوع الحوار. وعلى العكس مما ذهب إليه الاتجاه السابق من ارتباط الإنترنت بظاهرة التفكيك والاستقطاب السياسى وغياب التوافق العام، فقد أدى انتشار النفاذ إلى الإنترنت داخل المجتمع وسيطرة نمط التفكير الشبكى إلى إضعاف التوزيع الهيراركى للسلطةوالتحول من الدولة الهيراركية إلى المجتمع الشبكي.
وقد ساهم فى تعظيم التأثيرات السياسية الإيجابية السابقة للإنترنت عوامل عدة، فبالإضافة إلى اتساع نطاق النفاذ للإنترنت وحجم الشرائح الاجتماعية المستخدمة له، فقد تركز هذا التوسع داخل قطاع الشباب بالأساس. ومن ناحية، ثالثة فقد استندت الافتراضات المتشائمة حول العلاقة بين الإنترنت والعمل السياسى فى العالم العربى إلى انتشار أنماط محددة من استخدامات الشبكة تدور حول اختزالها فى مواقع الترفيه والتسلية (الألعاب، الأغاني، الأفلام، ممارسة القمار، المواد الإباحية. الخ) مقابل تراجع أهمية الإنترنت كمصدر للمعرفة وجمع المعلومات وتبادل الآراء والجدل بشأن قضايا الإصلاح والتحول الديمقراطي. الخ. ورغم انتشار أنماط الاستخدام الترفيهى للإنترنت بالفعل فى العالم العربى بالمقارنة بالدول الديمقراطية المتقدمة، فإن هذا ربما انسحب على المراحل الأولى لانتشار الإنترنت، وقد حدث على ما يبدو تحول واضح فى أنماط استخدام الشبكة فى العالم العربى خلال السنوات الأخيرة، فى اتجاه ارتفاع معدلات استخدامها كوسيلة وكساحة للعمل السياسي، الأمر الذى يطعن فى مقولة إن الانترنت تمثل عالما سياسيا افتراضيا.

The trial of the "Pharaoh on the Nile" has captured the imagination of the street in Egypt and beyond. For the second time the ousted former president Hosni Mubarak appeared in court on Monday 15 August, and this seemed for many to symbolise the successful conclusion to the popular protests that lasted over the last six months.

However, the point I want to raise is that the trial does not serve the cause of justice and furthermore that it will have a negative impact on the immediate political future of Egypt. The slogans of "down with the regime" voiced during the early stages of the protests remained adamant only until the overthrow of Mubarak. The fall of the regime meant that the core demand of the protestors has been met. This should have been followed by a second phase focusing on political, economic and social issues, thus beginning the process of restoring dignity to the Egyptian citizen and that of Egypt itself.

Besides interrupting, and possibly impeding, the restoration of stability and consequent progress on both the domestic and international levels, the trial will have an immediate effect on voting in the looming elections in the country. There are several considerations I would like to air in support of this contention. Factor one: the image of Mubarak's appearance before the court as an ailing man. Factor two: the fact that the military remain in power. Factor three: the Muslim Brotherhood policy of "wait and see" is likely to benefit from the rift amongst the ranks of the protestors.

To expand on the first of these factors, we should examine Mubarak's appearances in court and their effect. On both occasions when he appeared before the court, wheeled in on his hospital bed, he looked frail and humiliated. This helped to elevate the degree of sympathy towards him. His image as a dictator, a corrupt and tyrannical leader, began to lose currency, as a wave of sympathy on the street started to perceive him as merely "the poor ill old man."

As time passes Mubarak's image will, to some extent, transform into that of a victimised old man of 83 years. This in itself is not detrimental if it does not bring about discord amongst the people. However, his second appearance in the courtroom triggered clashes between his supporters and those who were advocates of his trial. A number of his supporters chanted, "Mubarak is not Saddam" and "he is Egyptian until death". Again, this alone will not be tantamount to a major rift, and it will not unduly affect the outcome of the trial, but it will impinge upon the universality of the spirit of the protests that initially prevailed. It will also have an impact on the long-term zeitgeist in the Egyptian political landscape.

The success of the pending elections in Egypt is not dependent simply on the number of voters, but also on a politically acute and enlightened mentality in order to lay the foundations for a new system. It is only through an informed electorate that the best results for the country can be achieved. Yet, such a position may be undermined by the rift emerging around Mubarak's trial and the flourishing of latent, ambivalent prejudices. It would be naïve to assume, despite the sheer size of the protests in the country, that Mubarak lacks supporters. The few voices reverberating that the ousted leader is "Egyptian until death" and that "he is not Saddam" may gather momentum, especially when people start to associate the dignity of Mubarak with that of Egypt itself.

The haste at which Mubarak has been brought to court is certainly on social grounds rather than in the service of justice. If so, the concept of justice loses its essence, as it hangs in the balance between the authority of the military and the demands of the protestors. This point becomes more marked when considered alongside the second of the three factors identified above.

As long as the military forms the transitional government, composed of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), effectively the government, then a state of "civil mentality" will not dominate on the streets of Egypt. By civil mentality I mean the focus on the post-Mubarak period to which the masses have aspired. Even if the protestors go home, collective consciousness will remain charged with anxiety and uncertainty. Obviously, this will have an effect on the country's move towards a stable and long-lasting democratic form of governance. I should mention at this point that the top generals in the army who monitor and govern are old brothers-in-arms with the ousted leader. Their political influence has only increased over the last six months, and it will do so further while there is no civil government in power that could help minimise their role.

It is also notable that to date the military have not brought to trial any further elements of the old regime. And while their grip on power continues, their economic privileges stay intact. Their popularity has so far resided in the fact that it is a "draft military" made up of the people. But the SCAF has also come to resemble a political body that has taken on many of the characteristics of the old regime. The military have become notorious for the trials of activists and journalists. Journalists Hossam al-Hamalawy and Rasha Azab have been summoned by the prosecution, and Asmaa Mahfouz, who was accused of inciting violence against the military and insulting members of the SCAF, was referred to a military court and later released on bail.

The presidential candidate Mohammed ElBaradei has responded to these developments on his twitter account that "military trials for young activists, while Mubarak & Co. stand before civilian courts, is a legal farce. Don't abort the revolution." The recent clashes between the protestors and the military's supporters are evidence of this. On Saturday 23 July, protestors moved from Tahrir Square in Cairo towards the defence ministry, the headquarters of the SCAF, in order to voice their demands for more freedom for the civilian government of prime minister Essam Sharif and also to condemn the military trials. More than 250 people were hurt in the clashes. Interestingly, the slogans during that protest were "down with the military," and they branded the leader of the SCAF, Hussein Tantawi, as being "an agent of America." It is inevitable that while the military are part of the political machinery this will influence the outcomes of future civil governance in the country. It is already the case that disagreement has been rife between different groups while preparing for the upcoming parliamentary elections.

While these elections are regulated and administered by the army, the political environment is emphatically militaristic and confrontational. The government of Essam Sharaf exists in the shadows of a military presence, and hence the climate is not dissimilar to the days of Mubarak. This point alone suggests there has been little progress in civil society.

I expand on my third factor with the contention that the Muslim Brotherhood or any other religiously oriented group in the Arab world always profits from any vacuum created in the social and political landscape. While the Muslim Brotherhood played no major role in the instigation or the process of the protests, they are likely to harvest the fruits of this unrest. Their overall policy is based on a "wait and see" principle. They have remained heavily on the side of the military, with the understanding that this will please the masses. However, the Brotherhood's stance towards Mubarak's trial is straightforward.

They were keen on it, actively requested it, and they got it. That straightforward narrative was interrupted, though, when at the second hearing of Mubarak's trial, judge Ahmed Rifaat announced that "in the public interest, the court had decided to stop the television broadcast of the court sessions beginning on 5 September 2011 until the announcement of the sentences." Voices on the street then denounced the removal of the cameras from the courtroom. This was seen as a betrayal of the protestors who were killed and disloyalty to their families. Further accusations were made that there is a deal between the military and Mubarak. Such a charged atmosphere extends the potential rift between the people and the military. It is easy to see how the Muslim Brotherhood will benefit from such circumstances. In the case of the political parties, although there are over 20 registered parties in the country, they remain politically unorganised. Apart from their support for the encompassing cause of the protesting masses, these parties pursue their own agendas and are factional in nature.

Moreover, the government of Essam Sharaf, as mentioned above, has been overshadowed by the SCAF, and this curtails the performance of civil institutions. The clashes between opponents and supporters of Mubarak in front of the court testify to the critical point that has been reached in relation to this. The Muslim Brotherhood is established and well organised, and it is poised to take up the role of "rescuer." The group's tactics include cunningly keeping a low profile, while at the same time waiting for gaps to fill in the structure of ongoing debate and protests.

It has established the Muslim Brotherhood political party to run in the next parliamentary elections, scheduled this autumn, and appointing a Coptic Christian as its vice-president. This is an obvious gesture to quell any fears that the group will use religion as a tool in its domestic political agenda. However, in its rhetoric on foreign policy and the future of Egypt's relationship to its neighbours, the Brotherhood will beat its rivals in the elections in an easy fashion. When asked in a recent interview about Egypt's treaty with Israel, Youssef Nada, a long-time strategist for the Brotherhood, stated that the "treaty should be rewritten, to be fair to everyone."

Such statements are welcome in Egypt as the treaty has long been viewed as an alliance between Mubarak and Israel rather than between the two countries. The treaty was signed in 1979; Mubarak came to power in 1981 and became its de facto guardian. For many Egyptians, it is a treaty very much identified with Mubarak's strong ties with Israel. Therefore, when the Muslim Brotherhood plays popular tunes these will find a wider audience on the street.

So far, the spirit of protest has been subject to reason: "down with the regime for dignity and justice." The reasoning underpinning this has been the exchange of a regime that hindered justice for a new system that could restore it. Nonetheless, the courtroom in the case of Mubarak does not necessarily symbolise justice and seems more a vengeful form of catharsis for the people. Justice is known as the "first virtue of social institutions." While the SCAF still holds the momentary authority, one would assume that the spirit of wider social institutions lacks virtue.

Rational political protest must be guarded against becoming merely an instrument of revenge. That is, objectivity ought to prevail rather than the satisfaction of the deeply entrenched cultural and religious ethics of the Arab world. The true spirit of the early protests must remain authoritative and not be subjugated to over-hastiness and popular appeasement. I say that because these protests have not yet become fully incorporated into the judicial body, and they cannot be so while the military is still governing. Thus, the trial of Mubarak could remain that of an ailing old man.

Original sin is a Christian theological doctrine that is still creating a lot of debate. However, more relevant here is another non-religious meaning of the term, particularly that given in Webster's Dictionary, which defines original sin as "a wrong of great magnitude." In other words, the term describes the gravest crime or action possible that a person can commit, or the crime that reduces him to a fallen state. Original sin is the sin of all sins and the one that a person is solely and uniquely accountable for committing.

People may differ about which was the most serious sin committed by ousted former president Hosni Mubarak. Personal corruption, attempts to hand over power and political corruption are the major alleged crimes most commentators cite. Nevertheless, these things do not describe what took place. Corruption on the part of Mubarak was a case of the kleptocracy that had reached an unprecedented extent in Egypt under the former president's rule, and it is in these terms that the creation by Mubarak and his son Gamal of a power base formed of co-opted military and security leaders, top government officials and leading businessmen should be viewed.

Such networks cascaded down through the administration, forging a web of bureaucratic corruption that entangled nearly every aspect of daily life. We should be courageous in acknowledging that kleptocratic habits of this sort trickled down to touch many civil servants at almost every level and that corruption is not just an elitist characteristic or trait. Instead, corruption under Mubarak's rule became so pervasive in the privileged and unprivileged classes alike that it permeated both the private and the public sector while manifesting itself in the form of petty as well as grand corruption.

Political corruption was not the original sin committed by Mubarak, as he resorted to classical methods to curb potential opponents. In other words, there was nothing unique about such behaviour as forms of political corruption have been prevalent in Egypt since the establishment of the modern state if not earlier. Elections have been marked by fraud many times in our recent history.

The Wafd, for example, the most popular party in the so-called liberal age before the 1952 Revolution, ruled for fewer than six years in the period from 1923 to 1952. The longest Wafd government only lasted two and a half years, and this was formed on 4 February 1942 under the auspices of the British after their famous ultimatum to King Farouk. Political corruption is part of the DNA of the security apparatus, and it is transferrable from one generation to the next, becoming dominant at the request of the ruler, whether a king or a president.

Mubarak's original sin was not his grooming of his son for power either, as this has become an established regional practice. Egypt was a late adopter of this sweeping trend, though Mubarak would have been influenced by other Arab leaders even to the extent of initially categorically rejecting the whole idea. Yet, from denial to tacit approval to relentless support Mubarak finally endorsed the project of seeing Gamal as his successor. This project, though, met with fierce opposition from nearly everywhere, including from the army, as has recently been disclosed.

Instead, Mubarak's original sin was his disastrous management of the transfer of power to his successor, a sin that made Egypt face a non-peaceful succession of power for the first time in its modern history since the days of Mohamed Ali. Mubarak, through his conscious and deliberate maneuvers aiming at keeping himself as the only presidential option, exposed the state to immense threats, causing the country to face possible anarchy as a result of Mubarak's doing everything he could to maintain and consolidate his tenure. Nothing stopped him from continuing such a path through his five presidential terms in office, leaving the country subject to uncertainty, chaos and anarchy when he left.

In the same context, Mubarak spared no efforts in extending his life cycle as president by attempting to make his son the de facto and de jure candidate to succeed him. In other words, the preparation of Gamal as Mubarak's successor should be envisaged as part of Mubarak's original paradigm to maintain power. All his other sins are just the tip of the iceberg. It is in this one that we can see his lust for power. The establishment of the kleptocracy was just a means to an end of building a power base that could represent the inner core of the regime, while the political corruption was just the tool Mubarak used to maintain his rule.

Mubarak's five terms in office can be divided into two phases, in which the first three terms (1981-1999) did not see the naming of a successor despite gossip about names like Abu Ghazala, Rifaat al-Mahgoub, Amr Moussa, al-Ganzouri, and so on. No one emerged as a potential successor, and years lapsed while Mubarak was still the premier. In his early years when asked about a vice-president Mubarak repeatedly said that it would depend on his finding the right person, adding that former president Anwar al-Sadat had been lucky in finding him.

Apart from the outright narcissism, Mubarak's reply signals straightforward disrespect for the whole people of Egypt. Mubarak intentionally avoided appointing a vice-president in order to further consolidate his image as the sole indispensible option at the head of the state. He was the victim of five separate attempts on his life during his time in office, but none of these made him think of appointing a vice-president. Instead, these attempts only augmented his sense of insecurity and intensified his seclusion from society. Even the most famous, and perhaps the only announced, assassination attempt, that of 1995 in Addis Ababa, though it provoked sympathy, also stirred criticism as the entire political system was made to look precarious and dependent on one man's survival.

Mubarak's last two terms in office, actually those of Mubarak & Co, witnessed a fully-fledged version of Mubarak's original sin, as he shared the prerogatives of the presidential office with his insufferable son. He left the capital and spent most of his days at a holiday resort while Mubarak Jnr. dealt with state affairs. The shift to what was called the free-market economy was gradually adopted under Gamal Mubarak's de facto rule, in which the fruits of crony privatisation and stock market manipulation, as well as the selling off of land, the establishment of import monopolies and ironically also import substitution, only benefitted the privileged members of the lucky caste formed of the regime's clients

It was during this period that the culmination of the neo-liberal economic policies that gradually resulted in the alienation of growing numbers of poor as well as unemployed people from the system took place, these people then sporadically directing their resentment against the growing inequalities. The regime's failure to address the country's growing economic woes radicalised many of the bloggers who started to organise around defending social causes. Meanwhile, the regime resorted to safety valves to let out the pressure on the system, as can be seen in the conduct of the People's Assembly, the media syndicates and the various associations that enjoyed relative freedom of speech and even of opposition during the period. Nevertheless, there were still red lines, and it was here that the regime could eschew its artificial tolerance and use its traditional repressive measures instead.

Security threats increased during Mubarak's last two terms in office, given the growing number of the unemployed and the disproportionate increases in the security forces, a fact that made many writers claim that the police were concerned to secure the regime and not to protect the people. Such economic hardships, together with the emphasis on security, loom large as a legacy of the Mubarak era. Obviously, they have been intensified as a result of the catastrophe that happened to the security apparatus during and in the aftermath of the January Revolution. Yet, the fact remains that they are the outcomes of Mubarak's policies, emanating from his insistence to remain in power either directly or indirectly through Mubarak Jnr.

In the early days of the Revolution, Mubarak stressed that were he to suddenly disappear from power the alternative would be chaos and /or Islamist fundamentalism. Those were Mubarak's own words when describing the situation that would take place were he to leave office. In other words, Mubarak stated his original sin. And instead of taking responsibility for pushing the state to this appalling turn, all the former president could do was offer to complete his term in office. Though too late even from an absolutely Machiavellian perspective, Mubarak's last-minute endeavour to remain in office led him to sacrifice his son Gamal's ambitions as a presidential candidate. Nobody really thought of Gamal as a candidate, but the father's decision regarding his son reflects his greed for power. He did everything he could to make himself into the indispensible man for Egypt, at least for its security if not for its well-being.

As such, the original sin of Mubarak was to put the republican system, if not the state and its institutions, at risk of near collapse. Once more, it was Mubarak's confession of the inevitability of chaos in the event of his resignation that should be taken as evidence for judging his past behaviour regarding the succession of power. Mubarak was quite aware of the implications of his sudden disappearance from the political scene, something that is enough unequivocally to indict him. Prior knowledge of the precariousness of the political situation was one of his responsibilities, and his attitude belongs to the category of damned if you do, damned if you don't.

It is only a slight exaggeration to say that what we are witnessing today in terms of chaos, insecurity and economic stagnation are the outcomes of Mubarak's original sin, and they were evident in the last years of his rule. Egypt was considered as a failing states by many commentators at the time, who highlighted the deplorable state of the regime. Its swift collapse and the removal of the strongman at its head was a clear illustration of its intrinsic weaknesses and vulnerabilities. These are still casting dark shadows on many aspects of life, which is why many people are still uncertain about the Revolution and its impact.

Mubarak also did his best to project an image of indispensability on the regional and global levels, and he received endless support from major allies in the Gulf, Saudi Arabia, Israel France, and most important the US. Mubarak of Egypt, or the Egypt of Mubarak, rarely deviated from the agreed-upon foreign policy objectives laid out by his allies in nearly all local, regional or global issues and conflicts.

Mubarak betrayed the oath he was sworn to uphold. Article 79 of the last constitution includes the following oath: "I swear by Almighty God to uphold the Republican system with loyalty, to respect the Constitution and the law, to look after the interests of the people fully and to safeguard the independence and territorial integrity of the motherland."

But in contradiction to this oath, Mubarak made endless efforts to pave the way for his son as his only successor in a straightforward betrayal of the republican system which does not allow the inheritance of power. It was the great journalist Heikal who pointed to this basic violation of the constitution by Mubarak, though his remarks did not stir much reaction. Nevertheless, Mubarak was responsible for violating the constitution long before the affair of his son. He consciously and deliberately obstructed the emergence of any successor throughout his tenure in office in a way that put the whole state, including its political system, in jeopardy. In his pursuit of exclusivity as a candidate and indispensability as president, Mubarak adopted many stratagems such as refraining from appointing a vice-president, the elimination of other potential candidates and the game of various constitutional amendments.

In 2007, Mubarak confirmed that he would continue serving his country, meaning as president, as long as his heart was beating. On 28 January 2011, he stated that he intended not to nominate himself for a sixth term in office, though he implied in his announcement that something else was being prepared. The destinies of nations cannot be left prey to the whims of leaders that announce one day that they will continue for ever and the next that they are stepping down. Perhaps the 28 January announcement was a deliberate attempt to introduce more fog into an already cloudy political scene, serving a hidden agenda to move Gamal into the presidential seat. Exposing Egypt to such uncertainty added more fuel to an already highly volatile situation. What else could be expected than the kind of revolution we witnessed in January?

Some may argue that Mubarak is hardly an exception in the region, since many others have pursued similar ambitions. Syria was a typical illustration. However, there is an ocean of differences between the two cases, which would require another article to discuss. In the meantime, Mubarak squandered a golden opportunity to bring about peaceful transformation towards a more pluralistic political system with functional institutions and a vibrant civil society. For the first time in its history, according to Mubarak and his chorus of supporters, Egypt has not been at war for decades. This should have offered the regime ample time to establish a more open political system based on the peaceful transfer of power.

Take the year 1990 when the formerly communist countries started their move towards democracy, for example. Many of these have now joined the EU with its solid criteria for admission and membership, while Egypt only succeeded in becoming a member of the Francophonie during the same period. This kind of transformation of fortunes, which nearly all the formerly communist states enjoyed, passed Egypt by under the slogans of stability, sustainability and development. However, in truth the last two decades were dedicated to the consolidation of Mubarak's own personal power and then the preparation of his son for the presidency.

Looking back at Egypt's contemporary history, it has only been Mubarak who has left the question of the succession unanswered. Every other ruler from Mohamed Ali onwards has had a regent or vice-president there to act as a successor. Clearly, there have been times of uncertainty as well as power struggle, yet in almost all cases there has been a smooth transfer of power. The idea of the head of state is something that is inherent in Egypt's political culture: it was Egypt and the Egyptians who invented the phenomenon of the Mamluks to overcome the Egyptian fear of anarchy. Mubarak should not have been asked to change the political culture, or to remedy its many inadequacies. However, he should at least have followed his predecessors in settling the matter of the succession.

Mubarak's health did not deter him from continuing his indifference to the uncertain destiny of Egypt either. The incident of his collapse while in parliament, the repeated heart attacks, and the major surgery of 2008 all made no impact upon him, not causing him to change his mind and appoint a vice-president to run the country in case of force majeure. Another dimension, though a strictly personal one, is Mubarak's tragic loss of his grandson. He was out of office for weeks, and he confided to his attorney that he had been devastated by this great loss that almost left him unable to function. This should have caused him to appoint a vice-president.

Many have argued that Mubarak was not willing to appoint a vice-president because he was not willing to impose anyone on Egyptians, leaving the choice of his successor to the people themselves. However, this was not the case with Nasser and Sadat, and Mubarak's choice of this direction was a deviation from the trend set by his predecessors. Had he started to institute a new political system in which people had a genuine say in the political process, then such arguments would ring true. But this was not the case, since Mubarak did barely anything to increase political participation and popular engagement.

In fact, the opposite was the case, as Mubarak passed two constitutional amendments tailored to exclude any other potential candidate from standing as president, particularly from the Muslim Brotherhood. The amendment of 2007 was unique to the extent that it looked almost like a classified ad that had been written to fit only Mubarak or his son. Apart from Gamal, had we had elections in September 2011 who else could have been elected given such arrangements? This last option can also be viewed within Mubarak's stratagem of making himself the sole and exclusive option. Realising that he could not continue forever, he adopted a new stratagem that could extend his life cycle and allow him the best conditions in his final years if he could not rule. Mubarak therefore cloned himself, offering us his son as the sole and exclusive candidate for the presidency.

Mubarak's original sin is deeply rooted, and unfortunately it has serious complications. Egypt is not a banana republic, nor is it a developing country that can be treated in the way that it has been by someone who was hailed on his election in 1981 in the aftermath of the assassination of former president al-Sadat.

There are many questions that we wait for the revolution in economic reform. It is not reasonable nor acceptable that the people's revolution, anger at the situation and keep the poor conditions as they are without the alert and attentive to the importance of the revolution have to blow up an ugly files and start seriously to build a new Egypt who want their children to the revolution
And here we must ask ourselves several questions
Is the goal of youth revolution that began here and
I insisted that they first youth revolution, and secondly people joined the youth on January 25, just amend some articles of the Constitution on the duration of survival of the president in power and will be followed by parliamentary and presidential elections?
Did the revolution to a mere three symbols in the history of Egypt is January 25 and 11 February and 19 March?

Do we only deal on the Revolution are just some aspects of political reform?
Do not enter into a tunnel filled with economic reform, including the files, waiting for a lot of work and the revolutionary will?
Where the principle of social justice who was part of our principles in action if not the most important principles?
The threat we face now is to keep things on their conditions without pay attention to the historic opportunity for reform and that these things come alive, which is degraded by the masses and the revolution in order to change and not merely the exclusion of the president and overthrow the regime but the whole
Here we must change the method of managing the economy and the challenge is to start a real and serious programs of economic reform to achieve development and social justice
When the economy comes out of the robe, the old system?

Still image of the Council of Ministers is of a January 24, which is in a ministerial small occupies on the view and the rest are outside the circle, and even this small group is active within the robe system for Example Minister of Finance still manages the ministry the logic of management and the Minister of the former regime, without searching for the administration of a new financial guarantee package integrated management of State resources, and even at the World Bank's own statement that Egypt had requested a loan of between 8 to 12 billion dollars.

Ministry of Industry and Foreign Trade, managed thought the old system did not provide mechanisms and means to rescue the industry and increase production capacity and also the means and mechanisms to achieve a balance in the import operations so as not to affect local production and the balance of foreign exchange

However, those quick reference guide us to many of the files that should be included in the will and the Department of the Revolution, for example, files policy and strategy to address the degradation of agricultural production and productivity and a lack of production .. File and the state finances, and how to manage after the break size barrier trillion debt, what are waiting for more than a file that education and training role that the file must be done by the private sector away from politics and governance

The role of government in a democratic system and free economy, as well as file services, conditions in transportation, health file and comprehensive reform of the chaos of the wage structure and the file of crimes wealthy Egypt from the looting of the land, banks, brokerage and mechanisms for achieving social justice in wages and taxes to cut taxes and increase the size of the tax exemption for employees, as well as attention, quality of life, service and repair support system and the empowerment of the poor and the injustices in the forefront of the slums and the rents the old system and the introduction, however, the proportion of poor by 40%
It is appropriate to repeat what we put forward the establishment of a fund to invest can be called the Fund editing or fund in January consisting of its assets and funds of funds looted when they are recovered, and should not enter to the Ministry of Finance and is allocated to projects, the first city of January in the desert land between Kilo 4248 through Egypt Alex Desert and the city is planning new urban alternative to the resorts set up by some companies in violation of the terms of the contract, without the reclamation of any serious or planting crops designed to produce a productive agricultural and turned to the resorts villas and swimming pools.
We are waiting for the fight against corruption and deviation that can be created with a filter of corruption as a new court with a clear mission for a limited period, and also develop a vision and a plan of new financial, monetary and structural economic reform must also address the alliance of capital with the power which led to inflation, file corruption, and appear fragile economy invaluable and of no avail against hunger Yet it is not difficult to return to a position of strength by the potential energy is a list and can be run production did not suffer bad and what has been looted can be recovered and we have to worry about the recovery of the economy

Introduction and the book includes nine chapters and conclusion, and a word of thanks, the page three hundred and sixty-eight pages, and the importance of the book lies not only in the fact that the author is the head of the United States. And that some or many of the ideas contained in this book will be applied in one form or another and in different proportions, and these ideas contradict most of the policies of Bush and his conservative ideological and the Evangelical Alliance and the new, although we will not exaggerate the hopes and expectations will impart with Obama after he entered the White House State of America is administered by institutions and lobbies for the control of the multiple economic, and religious press, but we certainly expect a difference in style and approach, and serious attempts to rehabilitate the image of America and alleviate the situation of escalating hostility toward America among many peoples, not only in the world of the developing South, but in the world of the North especially from Europe and Russia through the advocacy of the ideals upon which America and the respect for international law and the charters of the United Nations and human rights, environmental protection and the application of real democracy and democracy is not 99.99%.
It must be pointed out that the book of books that get the fat designation is intense ideas and should be read carefully and it reflects the depth of thinking and a culture of accuracy and excellent views of the domestic and foreign policy is not surprising that self way amid the sweat of their brows maintained and sponsored by the family of the form of hardworking mother and grandmother, a graduate of the Faculty of Law at Columbia University and studied constitutional law at the University of Chicago as well as the early work in the field of civil rights and of the Council of the mandate of Alnioi then a member of the Senate in Washington.
And records of Obama in this book daring and frankness in criticism of American policy mistakes since the inception of the United States, especially the question of slavery, American Indians, racial discrimination and to Latin America as well as his criticism of this policy after the two first and the second is not only wrong, but the impact of proposed solutions and the further advantage of this record.
I think that reading this book not only for the task of politicians in the Arab world, whether they are in power or opposition in the parliament or the government but also to all the media and the intellectuals and opinion leaders in civil society organizations in order to know the direction of U.S. foreign policy in the era of his presidency, focusing primarily in the Chapter VIII (the world beyond our borders) in order to benefit from his experience in the field of politics and in its dealings with its citizens and voters and opponents alike, which runs more or less the policy of the world.
This is a simple attempt to summarize the eighth chapter, which concerns us only
Chapter VIII: the world beyond our borders
This chapter is one of the most important chapters of the non-American readers because it relates to foreign policy of interest to all the world thanks to the throne of America expressed the strongest military in the world economically and scientifically.
This chapter begins by talking about his childhood in Indonesia when he arrived with the husband of his mother and the age of six years, where he remained for about four years left for Hawaii, where his grandfather and grandmother lived to his mother, and then visited Indonesia four times. He criticizes the record of America in this country and its cooperation with the Suharto and condoned the violation of human rights despite the fact that this policy changed after the end of the Cold War.
Turning then growing jihadist fundamentalist Islam in Indonesia and has become a secular decline (one of the largest Islamic parties and political blocs, many of which call for the application of law).
He also pointed out that the Middle East funded mosques and religious schools in the IAF and that many women have committed themselves to the Islamic dress code that prevails in North Africa and the Gulf, which sheds light on the Islamic group which is chaired by Bashir, which he accuses of links with al-Qaeda and he concludes from this country under such variables as (become the land of strangers).
Then, after dealing with the history of foreign policy, which began the era of isolation and expansion to the west and south-west and the blatant interference in the new world and then in the Pacific Ocean and the Caribbean and the war entered its first, second, whether the refusal to ratify the membership of the United States of the League of Nations against the principles of age and supporters have justified isolation that (encroachment on the sovereignty of America and the restriction of the senseless America's ability to impose its will on the world),

however, that all changed after Pearl Harbor. When the war ended and the Cold War emerged, despite the success of America to avoid nuclear war during the (26) years and to reach a successful conclusion of the cold war and an era of unprecedented economic growth, but foreign policy remained a neglected area of human rights and support of corrupt dictatorships and coups against elected leaders but to policy makers American policy looked at the problems of the world from the perspective of a diplomat, not a result of cooperation between the Pentagon and the Iron Triangle, the military-industrial complex and members of Congress who are in their arms companies.
It also points out that foreign policy has been opposed, and find it even though the policy Nikson and Kissinger's policy in terms of skill, Carter focused on human rights, in sympathy with the policy of the Reagan "Star Wars" and the motive of some aspects of the Reagan vision of the world as it indicates that Bush's father in terms of realism and traditional Despite the successes, however, fell Foreign result (focus the attention of American public opinion on the economic situation of procedure) 296. While Clinton has focused more on trade from the tank and to protect intellectual property rights to protect the lives of more Americans.
Although the events of 11 September led to the heart of things upside down and increased the authority of President Bush and the sympathy of the international community with the United States, however, that the process of eliminating the Taliban in Afghanistan have been unsuccessful. It calls for the formulation of foreign policy success of the atheist and the twentieth century not only by military force against terrorism, but (to adopt an international meeting on the new transnational threats to the borders of States)
to guide the policy of the use of military force and expresses its ideals. In this connection describes the US-led invasion of Iraq that it (the invasion of senseless and reckless recklessly violated the sovereignty of an Islamic country) and the stimulation of the insurgency has adopted a broad sense of the religious and national dignity and increased anti-American.
And cooperation with the international community considers it necessary, however, then he (if we have to do the job alone, the American people would be willing to pay any price).
It also rejects the methods of Bush to impose democracy with guns and support across the parties supported by Washington, and calls for attention to generate chaos, failed because the chaos and calls for activating the work of the United Nations and the chapter concludes by talking about the Arab-Israeli conflict, which had visited the zone of conflict in the Holy Land and reached ( absurd to believe that a solution to this conflict in the current generation and the ability of America, despite its overwhelming to determine the course of events in the world).

Arab-Israeli conflict is one of the most protracted conflicts historic - now more than fifty years of continuous - defined by the contemporary world and, of course, their roots and sources of conflict to the late nineteenth century and until the Israel entity in Palestine in 1948. And characterized the Arab-Israeli conflict from other conflicts that covers various aspects of strategic, political, military, economic, cultural and other, as well as the extensive use by the Zionist creed of the myths and allegations of religious institution to interpretation dpi and fabrication of the facts of the religious Torah and the Talmud and other religious interpretations by mixing distorted by project leaders Israel ideology of secularism with the belief of this project and the main argument.

Extremism in the Israeli concepts
Another unique part of Israel within the framework of this conflict by adopting a unique and peculiar notions of national security requirements and maintain the presence and safety entity of Israel, noting that all the actions of Israel's internal and external economic and political security requirements are subject to options where stem Israel political and other permanent Israeli security requirements Which is now the supreme value among the various values of Israeli major and growing anomaly that perception especially with the post-cold war world, the Horn of atheist century, which occupied the place where economic geography or geopolitics
Moreover, Israel was almost the only country in the world that insists on the complete restructuring of the main regional and sub-regional systems surrounding it, it asserts that there is an absolute necessity for the bombing and the removal of the Arab regional order but also to fragment the Arab national social entity Not only that but also fragment the fabric National Social each Arab country separately.
We have to notes that all political settlements that have been so far between Israel on one hand and each of Egypt, Jordan and the Palestinian Authority considers adjustments along the tense and contains within it the sources of tension for the return of the conflict over private sources of permanent and comprehensive settlement and stable.
Reveal recent developments in concepts and policy development, especially sustainable development and human resource development for the escalation of the economic gap between Arabs and Israel for years, this addition to that investment in development, technology and spending on scientific research witnessing a marked decline in the Arab side by development policies that were adopted to export Raw material consumption and the development of recreation and a lack of interest by diversifying the economy and make it more complex ones, along with the majority of Arab countries still rely mainly on external resources, namely, does not depend on the capacities of local and national resources but affected the conditions of the international environment such as oil exports and tourism, expatriate remittances and foreign aid The foreign loans and sea lanes, such as the Suez Canal, one example of the negative consequences of these policies is the relative stability or decline in GDP growth rates or absolute figures for this product,

Development rates in Israel and the Arab States

It is well known that the human development index comprises mainly on three key indicators are:
1. The rate of literacy.
2. Average per capita gross domestic product.
3. Life expectancy at birth.
Besides education and health services, potable water and sanitation.
In terms of human development ladder, we find the following

• Egypt is ranked 124 in the world which is classified among the countries of low growth or lower States average growth, average per capita GDP in 1290 dollars and Egypt is ranked 127 in the world.
• Israel ranked 36 in the measurement of human development and per capita GDP of approximately $ 16 thousand and is ranked 32 in the world in this regard.
• Jordan is ranked 100 in development all over the world and a per capita of $ 1520 and is ranked 120.

The project focused before the establishment of the Israel and then continued on strategic planning, which provides forecasts and alternative poses a national priorities and preferences, while Arab and distinguished performance with a few exceptions in the fifties and sixties deal practical and pragmatic with seasonal and situational developments and events of the conflict with Israel, while devoted many institutions and communities Research in various areas of nuclear, military, security, economic and demographic in dealing with conflict management, dealing still confined to the Arab administration official bureaucracy,
which includes government institutions and ministries of foreign affairs, defense and intelligence departments and only rarely Arab governments to adopt strategic planning centers of public and private, Israel has completed the beginning of the year 1990 plan is the first of its kind since its inception, entitled "Israel in 2020" lasted six years, where he focused research team Institute of Engineering and Applied Haifa comprises about 250 specialists and crews from ten ministries, and resulted in work on the development of 18 volumes trying to cover all aspects of the Israeli internal and external.

With regard to the Israeli plan to overcome the significant population growth among the Arabs of 1948 in light of declining birth rates among Israeli Jews there attract immigrants from the former Soviet Union states at a million immigrants in the coming years after it managed to attract another million years 1990 and 2000, there also modify the balance of population For the benefit of Jews through the expansion of settlement and within the so-called Green Line, which showed the availability of a high level of awareness of the strategic nature of the conflict with Israel as the conflict extends to a comprehensive and demographic aspects of water and related land and the economy as well as confrontation and military intelligence, has developed a working group chaired by Minister of Infrastructure radical (Lieberman), which advocates the expulsion of Palestinians to Jordan voluntarily or mansion, known as the plan entitled "Israel in 2000" That was late in 1996 and included a plan of action for three axes:


1 - Adding new areas of the so-called "development towns".
2 - Provide incentives for those who go for construction and housing in these towns.
3 - The link between the settlements in the West Bank while expanding the Green Line to be annexed to Jerusalem large areas of the West Bank and this is what was in the era of Sharon's government in parallel with the accelerated construction of the dividing line between Arabs and Israelis of Arab Jerusalem and along the Green Belt.
In the military aspects clear perception of higher-Israeli strategic plan recently called "the fabric of 2000" which are based on constant readiness for war option and the plan focuses on the following rules:
• The existence of so-called deterrence based on the image of Israel as a nuclear superpower in the eyes of the Arab region.
• Effective defense: a plan fence to protect Israel from the land surface.
• Defense negative: prevention and civil defense.
• Warning and strategic information.
• offensive capabilities and to acquire F-15 aircraft and the development of the control and surveillance of the distance, while most of the Arab parties embraced the so-called peace as a strategic option, did not develop the potential outbreak of the war and how to deal with situations of tension and instability, as the case since the outbreak of the second intifada, 2000 till now.
However, the intifada of regulatory capacities popular armament even a simple addition to grass-roots efforts and extensive face normalization with Israel and raise the slogan of boycotting American goods and products can provide a concrete and reasonable level which can be called deterrence popular help provide an environment of threat to Israeli security.

Men and women are the construction of the world, and many conferences and seminars held not only the Arab region but throughout the world for all topics and international disputes, however, how the dialogue between men and women of most of those who have read my article on the strange creatures women believed that me, is the common enemy of women.
And they are not able to understand that the dialogue between me and women non-existent due to lack of mutual trust between us on any subject, even in the salute bumptious I always tell them, and I am rude in dealing with women, but did not ask me I do this thing?
Same time my friends knowing very well that I always try to not hurt anyone or by disposal of the word possible harms.
And with all of that I'm always accused that I'm the common enemy of women.

I tired because I'm always asked why you single till now? and I have to explain my point that I need to be convinced to dialogue because we are in a time you have agreed with me or you do not agree we don't have LOVE and the LOVE Might be found in the Life museum.
And for your knowledge that I am a human being I loved and I was missing this Love

But I was puzzled by the fact that they - men and women - especially in our society, they were convinced that the idea of the cold war or the idea of war, mainly without the need to call for a dialogue among themselves

Never did find it odd while I'm reading in a book (men from Mars and women from Venus), written by Dr. John Gray, a world expert in the field of communication and relations, did not find it odd to speak of men and women as if they had their two different planets, from, in fact the differences and also differences of men and women demonstrate daily and eternal truth theory.
The book, which sold more than forty million copies worldwide and been met with a positive and explained that women have a particular way to communicate in the way of thinking and emotions and feelings and needs in the reactions in the selection of words and sentences
this way completely different than the same way the Men thinking on it.
But he was able to convey an attractive way for us as reader by information and facts of psychology and sociology romantic manner and method of literary interesting even imagine and we really believe that men and women are from two different planets,
Speaking different languages and need each to the various food and nutrition are different.

Dr. Gray has crafted a literary and in romantic way to imagine the planet Mars and Venus.
Mars, all the population are men,
While the Venus all its population are women.
Through binoculars the Mars population found the beauty of Venus and then they take them space ships and headed a trip to the planet Venus.
Here, the author brings us to live the story of a romantic fantasy.

The people of mars loved the people of Venus a magic love and enjoy all that live in the details of this relationship, and then decided to travel to the Earth, unless the event into account.
In the morning he woke up one day, all unconscious memory and thus have forgotten each others and every one of Earth's population forgotten that he is from a different planet.

The aim of the book, of course, not sure of the difficulty of communication between men and women, but to recognize the imperative need for a common language for dialogue.
While much talk in recent years on the dialogue of civilizations and dialogue with others, organized conferences and seminars and wrote articles that emphasize the importance of Dialogue.
Under the theme of dialogue between spouses or between the world of men and women, despite a marginal significance and seriousness of life in spite of the most important social institution, a smaller the institution of marriage and thus the health of society as a whole.

Although the dialogue between men and women has not lived up to the first level of literacy courses, Illiteracy marriage, Vocabulary and understand the language of the others.

but we did not notice the movement in the Arab world in this area .
We Did not notice the fear that the collapse of the seriousness of the institution of marriage or fail due to lack of proficiency in languages of the parties and not because of their usefulness as some think that the majority believes imagine believes in the futility of this institution and the logical result will inevitably be a negative image unhealthy (increasing the rate of spinsterhood among young people and the increasing divorce rate, and a growing proportion of children orphans, despite the presence of the parents). Consequently, social and mental illness at all levels.

Bombs, rockets and artillery shells .. Against whom??
Against unarmed civilians
Against large and small to kill them and kill the rest scared frightened
The move, sheltering from the fire and Charybdis
Every place of the bombing of the exhibition
The bombing led to the elimination of the day, entire families
Today the massacres that has no precedent in modern history
The Arab peoples have not only unable demonstrations
Demonstrations is the language of the people now
Hearts of the people burned the killings, the excessive and brutal,
To the moment of this writing 30% of the victims children under the age of ten
What Israel is doing at this time rooted in the Arab mind the idea of Israeli racism.
I am wondering now where the Peace Now movement and Israeli peace activists Or that now is the time for war and does not override the voice of the war, What is happening now in Gaza is a crime of genocide is a crime in order to kill the children of these atrocities.
If the war was directed to Hamas or the guilt of children and women
Israel , Enough of this barbarity,
Israel , Enough bloodshed,
I need Ehud Barak imagine, one of his sons in place of one of the young men who were martyred What would be his reaction?
What is happening in Gaza, ending the idea of psychological acceptance of the other in this case, the other is a cold-blooded killer of children and women
And will not be able to Arab intellectuals, or peace activists to speak anymore about peace and accepting the other
Is this what Israel wants??!!
from other side i am thinking about
What we must look to here??
To recall the Egyptian Ambassador from Tel Aviv,
life will not stop there, and that the moratorium on the export of gas will not lead Israel to its knees on her, "What is needed is not the knees, and stop the movement of life in the Tel Aviv, and we can not , in practice, to do so, but the whole objective is that they understand, and understand others in the world that we are able to do something, especially if this thing will be delivers us from this sense of helplessness!
The Sense of disability in this case is the inability to provide immediate alternative available, the most serious, and that the provision of this alternative, which is in our hand, this will raise us «sense» that haunts every citizen, everywhere in Cairo
BUT I will Never Ever be Disabile and I wil never ever me and all the Youth in Arab World feel the Disability
Raise us this sense of helplessness, even if the outcome is just a sense that we all did what we must do, regardless of the type of result to be achieved on the ground,
What is required is a mere waste of sense!
It is not true, that the peace treaty between Egypt and Israel, they are in our hands to this point
And to the right, that Egypt had what you can do on the ground, if it were, from the recall of our ambassador from Tel Aviv, and the end of the Egyptian government's compliance with the rule of the judiciary, not to export gas to Israel.
thir is Somthing Missing , BUt Still I have Hope and never ever any one will sttop me dreaming in PEACE

Last week, during the visit of U.S. President George W. Bush to Iraq to sign security agreement by a reporter President Bush threw his shoes
First I am against this arrogance that the reaction of this despicable act against humanity of the U.S. President even if the treatment resulted in a series of resolutions critical of the disaster is not only the Arab nation and even around the world.
and her in the Arab region we don't know the Dissimilarity culture always we attributed each other Always at different points of view with the other other half being an agent OR a traitor.
In fact we find that against Islamic religious principles and which we are Proud everywhere

In any Difference the world must see that we civilized nation but unfortunately they see us a dying nation as a result of our actions And the simplest example of this is our actions in the street with each other or the actions of presidents and kings in the meetings of Arab Summit.

This incident became the talk of the town on all Arab street in every wher in cafes, homes and offices of officials who saw the Zaidi .. hero deserves the Medal of Honor in Libya, and the issue of journalists and lawyers associations and the movie calls for his release. But all this has not prevented us from Crushed, beaten and harm at the hands of the Iraqi police are here ... and see the difference!

the Arab nation Forget the current and future issues , the transformation of the inability to real confrontation of the problems and calamities to the kind of childish revenge, it becomes a hit on Balhmae Scruff or a substitute for prompt action that achieves victory or bringing humiliation and defeat

Most governors and presidents and politicians in democratic countries, approaching people and mingled with them. They are often the waves of anger, and we have to ask ourselfs Why did not any jornalist such as al-Zaidi did in the presence of Saddam Hussein is alive as example and not do after his execution in his photo and same time Let us recall what happened with President Sarkozy when brushed by one of the villagers to visit the agricultural show in France, to whom the offensive word. Reciprocate Sarkozy for the individual and ended up as reported by newspapers .. extraordinary event.

The inability to act, and for taking critical positions and take responsibility, but to chat and Joking and ridicule of ourselves and others, are the weapons of destruction that we have deterrence against those who disagree with them I think it was better if the Iraqi Jornalist asked about Bush's bold embarrassing for the overall crimes in Iraq and why Boukte finally admitted its war against Iraq based on false information The joy of the Arab peoples by Zaidi may take a some days.
But sadness of Iraq and the Arab nation will continue for decades and generations Because we humiliate ourselves And do not create our personality to the world And not think about the future or the future of generations will come However, we have established and our inability to deal with the problems that we have same time we harness from the developed world and we did not take any plan to the advancement and progress and we are working for talks, ridiculous and insulting humanitarian We must blame ourselves before blaming others and recognize that we are against President George W. Bush but not against the George W. Bush the human

Hello My Freinds,
let us start and say the Creative as a prerequisite to innovation ,The terms creativity and innovation are often used to mean the thing, but each has a unique connotation.
the real thing for tha is Alex Agenda Creativity - is “the ability to bring something new into existence. This definition emphasizes the “ability”, not the “activity”, of bringing something new into existence.
Innovation - is the process of doing new thing.
and when we see togther that in Alexandria more than 25 culture center may be more beside all the other culture events in this city I have a great friend most of us knew him Mr.Ahmed Essmat.
he creat& Innovate a new thing which is Alex Agenda he issue this Agenda each Month and collect all the culture events in ALexandria
as acadimic words we can say It is important to recognize that innovation implies action, not just conceiving new ideas. When people have passed through the illumination and verification stages of creativity, they may have become inventors, but they are not yet innovators.

and the difference between invention and innovation is:
Invention - is the creation of new products, processes, and technologies not previously known to exist.
Innovation - is the transformation of creative ideas into useful applications by combining resources in new or unusual ways to provide value to society for or improved products, technology, or services Alex Agenda is a real sample for that.
Elements in the Innovation Process
Analytical Planning - to identify: product design, market strategy, financial need
Organizing Resources - to obtain: materials, technology, human resources, capital
Implementation - to accomplish: organization, product design, manufacturing, services
Commercial Application - to provide: value to customers, reward of employees, revenues for investors, satisfaction for founders
Ahmed and All Alex Agenda teram You are a very Exellant Model for Entrepreneurship and all what
I need is just creat Indepandant website for Alex Agenda this Website will updated each month as
I think same time you can put it in all Information centers in EU Countries and I'm sure one day I will see Egypt Agenda as a Project created by Ahmed Essamt I'm sure may be you think about that.
Waiting for your comment my Friends

Dear all,

What Does Human Rights Mean to You?

Today marks the 60th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). Share with the world your thoughts on what Human Rights mean to you. Share with us your personal expressions, opinions, stories and experiences of what human rights are or should be in your views, and especially in (post)conflict African countries such as Somalia.

Respect for human rights and human dignity "is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world", says the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in English and you can find here http://www.unhchr.ch/udhr/lang/som.htm the Somali version.

Please take a moment to study these documents as an honour to this important day.


Thanks, Sahro Ahmed-Koshin
Gender and Human Rights Officer
UNDP-Somalia

Dear all,

What Does Human Rights Mean to You?

Today marks the 60th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). Share with the world your thoughts on what Human Rights mean to you. Share with us your personal expressions, opinions, stories and experiences of what human rights are or should be in your views, and especially in (post)conflict African countries such as Somalia.

Respect for human rights and human dignity "is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world", says the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in English and you can find here http://www.unhchr.ch/udhr/lang/som.htm the Somali version.

Please take a moment to study these documents as an honour to this important day.


Thanks, Sahro Ahmed-Koshin
Gender and Human Rights Officer
UNDP-Somalia